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1894年甲午战争爆发后,朝鲜在摆脱与清王朝之间藩属关系的同时又陷入了日本侵略势力的魔掌。随着世界反法西斯战争的胜利,朝鲜终于挣脱了日本的殖民枷锁,获得了独立自主。然而,1954年日内瓦会议关于朝鲜问题的讨论无果而终,无情地宣告朝鲜半岛又进入了南北分治时代。当新的甲午年来临之际,回顾前两个甲午年朝鲜半岛的历史,总结其经验教训,将会为我们客观认识和妥善处理当前朝鲜半岛问题,避免历史悲剧的重演,提供一些有益的启示。  相似文献   
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Subnational entities in federal states typically retain a degree of sovereignty and enjoy leeway in implementation, raising questions such as whether—and how—international law is actually implemented at the subnational level. This article sheds light on these questions, using two contrasted case studies in Switzerland: The Istanbul Convention on domestic violence and the European Union (EU) Directive 2016/680 on data protection. Based on a document analysis of the law-making process and 44 semi-structured interviews with national and subnational political actors, we observe how international obligations are legally implemented, that is, transposed into legislation at the subnational level. Our results show that: (1) Subnational civil servants play a decisive role, while members of parliament are marginal. (2) Civil servants may constitute Vertical Epistemic Communities (VECs), which are able to “technicize” the issue to ensure swift implementation through administrative venues. (3) VECs are particularly influential as they use intercantonal conferences as institutional platforms to shape implementation processes. Otherwise, implementation becomes politicized, and its success strongly depends on subnational politics.  相似文献   
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邓烈 《法学研究》2010,(5):196-208
国际司法机构的兴起是现代国际法最重大的进展之一。中外学界一般认为,其源头始于1899年和1907年的两次海牙和会,其后的所有发展都是海牙和会所开启之进程的延续。这种看法与实践并不完全吻合。裁判人权、国际刑事或国际公务员案件的国际法庭或法院,在性质、原则及结构体制上都与国际法院等所谓海牙法庭存在很大差异。它们有着自己的演进路径,其源头不是海牙和会,而是1919年的凡尔赛和会。海牙和会代表了国家间基础上的横向权力结构,而凡尔赛和会则是纵向的、有组织的现代国际社会兴起的标志。现代国际社会在可预见的将来仍会维持这种二元结构,这也就决定了国际司法机构在相当长的时间内仍会分别沿着不同的路径继续发展。  相似文献   
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This article seeks to explain the use of inside and outside lobbying by organised interests at global diplomatic conferences. At first sight, the lobbying at these venues is puzzling as it does not seem to be a very fruitful way to acquire influence. The use of outside strategies especially is perplexing because most aspects of international negotiations fall outside of the purview of national constituencies. It is argued in this article, however, that the presence of outside lobbying is not so puzzling if lobbying is seen both as a way to attain influence and as a way to pursue organisational maintenance goals. Empirically, the article draws on interview data with 232 interest group representatives that participated at either the 2012 session of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference in Geneva, or the 2011 (Durban) and 2012 (Doha) United Nations Climate Conferences. The analysis demonstrates that organisational needs, and especially the competition actors face in obtaining resources, significantly affects the relative focus of organised interests on inside and outside lobbying.  相似文献   
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Abstract

As its economy has become near to collapse, North Korea has tried to avoid direct contacts with South Korea because of the ‘absorption phobia’. Instead, the North has made continuous efforts to improve its relations only with the United States, seeking a guarantee for its survival. Given this circumstance, this paper argues that useful multilateral approaches such as KEDO and Four‐Party Talks will contribute to improving inter‐Korean relations. Thus, it would be sensible to explore every possible way (even through multilateral mechanisms) until both Koreas make a breakthrough for the deadlocked inter‐Korean CBMs. But the multilateral CBMs constitute a transitional and complementary role as South and North Korea should be primarily responsible for addressing major problems such as reunification. Among the multilateral approaches, the Four‐Party Talks will be a most useful mechanism which will enable the two Koreas to resume dialogue for the peace and reunification on the Korean Peninsula. In this peace process, more positive roles of major powers are also requested.  相似文献   
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近来发生的美军虐囚事件,引发了我们对战俘待遇规则相关问题的思考。本文回顾了战俘待遇规则发展的三个历史阶段,概括了战俘按照1949年《关于保护战俘待遇的日内瓦公约》所应享有的权利,在此基础上对美军虐囚事件的违法性进行了分析。  相似文献   
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In the Republic of Geneva, the Small Council and the Great Council considered themselves to be representative of the people, although they were not elected by citizens, but were mutually co-opted instead. There were still elections by the General Council, the assembly of all burgesses and citizens, but they were only meant to promote the members of these co-opted councils to particular magistracies. During the political crisis of 1707, government thinkers tried to justify in theory this conception of representation, which is similar to what the German legal philosopher Hasso Hofmann called repraesentatio identitatis. For them, the Small and the Great Councils were inherently representative of the people owing to their large numbers and their concern for the public interest. The main thinkers of the ‘popular party' not only rejected this argument, but also advocated an alternative political model, with a redistribution of powers between the Councils and the restoration in practice of the sovereignty of the General Council, which it should directly exert. On either side, no project of representative government – in the sense that the Small and the Great Councils would be elected by the people – was ever put forward in these debates.  相似文献   
9.
于向东 《东南亚研究》2004,(6):56-59,63
日内瓦会议是两极格局下两大阵营抗衡对峙过程中召开的和平协商会议,是大国较量的另一"战场";亚欧会议是冷战后和平与发展背景下形成的东西方对话合作论坛,并逐步形成一种相对稳定机制.从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议的历史昭示是,和平协商与平等对话反映了当代国际关系发展的潮流和趋势.今年10月河内第五届亚欧会议,为亚欧会议更具有活力、更富有成效作出了贡献.  相似文献   
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政协事业要发展一步,理论实践研究就必须深入一步。政协理论实践研究是政协工作改革创新的重要突破口,是凑索政协工作新特点新规律的有效途径,是提井政协工作成效的重要保证。搞好政协理论实践研究应在大兴调查研究之风土下功夫,要密切与政协委员的联系,在加强联系申了解委员情况;要加强与政协机关的接舷,在加强接触中了解机关情况;要密切与基层政协的往来,在密切往来中了解基层情况。应在大力加强对实际问题的理论思考上下功夫,要搞好理论武装,善于从全局上思考问题,加强系统研究。要在拿出管用的对策和办法上下功夫,进一步解放思想、更新观念,充分发挥主观能动性,积极吸收和借鉴一切有益的经验。  相似文献   
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